In Counterculture Green, Andrew G. Kirk tells us about the birth and
story of the Whole Earth Catalogue, founded by Stewart Brand, as well as its influence in both the counterculture and the environmentalist movement in
the US. As explained towards the beginning of the book:
Whole Earth was one of the best examples of the changing world of
magazine publishing and journalism in the 1960s and 1970s.
Magazines like Sunset, Popular Mechanics, and Life set an early standard for popular general information
magazines, with a twist that Whole Earth followed. Popular
Mechanics featured the kind of how-to essays that would become a central
feature of Whole Earth and, like Brand's later creation, it was
archived and shared by a do-it-yourself-obsessed generation, giving it a readership that exceeded
its actual print runs. Starting in 1898, Sunset became the leading
voice for an emerging western regionalism and eventually an influential
forum for regional design and nature appreciation aimed at middle-class
readers who were immigrating to the region in large numbers during the
twentieth century. Although intended for very different audiences,
Whole Earth and Sunset shared a fundamental desire to link
regional traditions to modern limitless recreationnal possibilities.
Like Sunset's most dynamic regionalist, Laurence W. Lane, Stewart Brand provided
countercultural information at a time when the publishing industry still had
a decidedly East Coast bias.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 5)
The author stresses the pragmatic nature of a certain strand of the US
environmentalist movement, which he traces back precisely to the Whole
Earth Catalogue. That pragmatic approach can be seen, for instance, in
their support to the concept of Appropriate Technology:
Whole Earth was a cynosure for the emerging appropriate technology movement that
found its voice in the underground press before moving slowly toward the
maintstream. The key insight of the appropriate technology movement was the
idea that individuals working within specific local environments could make
everyday choices to use small-scale technology, enabling, if multiplied
across a nation, a sustainable economy. Appropriate technologists celebrated human
ingenuity at a time when environmental advocates tended to draw a clear line
between people and nature, with preference given to the latter. Many of the
ecological arguments made through the choice of material presented in the
catalogs, or explictly by the editors and contributors, were so far outside
the mainstream of the environmental thought of the day that they were
considered heresies. The environmental views of Brand and his publication
alienated some who might have been allies and who would not remember
Whole Earth as a voice of environmentalism, while creating a very
strong bond with techno-ecological readers and contributors who found a
welcome forum for their views in Brand's catalogs.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 6)
Thus, the Whole Earth Catalogue mixed environmentalism with the old
concern to find an alternative lifestyle from the counterculture. Where tradional
environmentalist organizations centered their attention on government
policies, the counterculture green approach stressed the importance
of changing one's own life. As such, they pioneered a good amount of
work that was done in the field of renewable sources of energy or
environmentally friendly designs.
According to Kirk, several different branches of the environmentalist movement could be
identified at the time (some would argue that even to this day):
Not surprisingly, considering his reputation as an innovative scientist and
holistic thinker, [Amory]
Lovins crafted an
environmental philosophy and plan for action that defy easy categorization.
His wide-ranging research on energy,ecological design, "natural capitalism", and transportation
reflects the curiosity and inventiveness that characterized the counterculture
environmentalists. In his landmark book, Natural Capitalism (1999), coauthored with
wife Hunter Lovins
and longtime Whole Earth contributor and entrepeneur Paul Hawken, Lovins presents his
perspective on the various environmental mind-sets. Borrowing from
biophysicist Donella
Meadows, the authors argued that four worldviews shape perceptions of
the environmental/economic dynamic: "Reds, Blues, Greens, and Whites. To
summarize, the Blues are "mainstream free-marketeers," who have a
"positive bias towards the future based on technological optimism and the
strength of the economy." The Reds are socialists. The opposite of
the Blues, they focus on labor and human condition and rarely address the
environment. The Greens are environmentalists who "see the world
primarily in terms of ecosystems, and thus cocentrate on depletion, damage,
pollution, and population growth." The Whites are the "synthesists",
who "do not entirely oppose or agree with any of the three other views." This
last category provides a useful way to think about the community of
counterculture thinkers of the Whole Earth network. The
synthesists shared an optimistic faith in human ingenuity and distrust of
ideology, preferring, instead, "a middle way of integration, reform, respect,
and reliance."
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 102-103)
This latter strand of environmentalists (i.e., the Whites) would
gain importance once the energy crisis of the 1970s unleashed and there was a clear surge of
interest in wind energy:
The energy crisis of the 1970s renewed the interest in wind energy. One
reason that wind energy never went mainstream was because of an inability to
regulate the source. The power from wind generators ebbed and flowed, and
the fickle winds never maintained a schedule. This made wind a poor sole
substitute for hydroelectric or coal turbines, which could sustain a constant
and manageable flow of energy for large systems and power grids.
Sof-path
supporters, however, were unconcerned about the problems of wind power for
large systems. On the contrary, they were looking for sources of power that
were better suited to small systems.
Like E.F. Schumacher, Lovins and other sof-tech proponents believed that the ability to
construct small-scale, self-sufficient systems provided individuals and
communities with a closer connection to the earth and a greater degree of
command over their lives. The windmill was the type of technology that could enable one to use the
latest research in electric power generators and new materials like
fiberglass to build
machines that produced no pollutants and provided essentially free and
limitless energy. For soft-path proponents, the potential of the windmill
was both practical and political. Disconnecting yourself from the power grid
was the first step toward a cleaner environment and a move forward
reevaluating all of the large systems that dominated the economy and daily
life of developed nations. The key to the politics behind soft-path and
AT science
was the insight that real change came not from protest, but from constructing
viable alternatives to the status quo, starting with the basic elements of
human life: food, energy, and shelter. Lovins was certainly an outlaw
designer, but his remarkable résumé lent credibility to the AT
movement and caused both opponents and supporters to articulate their energy
positions carefully. Brand approved not only of Lovins's ideas but also his
terminology: "'Soft' signifies that something is alive, resilient,
adaptive," Brand mused, "maybe even lovable." In 1966, a band called the
Wilde Flowers changed its name to Soft Machine and released a well-received album of the same title.
The next year, poet Richard Brautigan published his poem "All Watched Over by Machines of Loving
Grace", which perfectly expressed the counterculture desire to unite nature
and the machine: "I like to think (it has to be!), of a cybernetic ecology,
where we are free of our labors, and joined back to nature, returned to our
mammal brothers and sisters, and all watched over by machines of loving
grace." By the mid-1970s, soft-pathy energy research into solar power, wind,
geothermal heat, biogas conversion, and recycled fuels moved to the forefront
of the environmental and alternative technology movements.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 105-106)
At the same time, towards the end of the decade, there was another
revolution in the making that attracted the attention of this peculiar
type of pragmatic environmentalists: the birth of the personal computer:
At the same time that a growing number of environmentalists were exploring
different paths toward decentralization through renewable energy development,
others were working within the second area of the outlaw edge: information technology. For
Brand, alternative energy was important, but developing trends in information
technology tapped a deep and consistent vein of interest that, at least early
on, he saw as a point of convergence. As he later expressed it, "Information
technolofy is a self-accelerating fine-grained global industry that sprints
ahead of laws and diffuses beyond them." Brand was intrigued by what he
called the "subversive possibilities" of technologies as diverse as recording
devices, desktop publishing, individual telecommunicatins, and especially the
personal computers
(PCs). Moreover, his interest in information technologies meshed well
with his environmental thinking. He came to equate the two in this way:
"Rafting a wild river makes the body sing with the old dangers, gives the
body a sure sense of itself and frees it to explore unfamiliar hazards such
as immersion in computerized 'virtual reality'". In addition to his many accomplishments,
Brands was a pioneering participant in the PC revolution and was one of the
select group who were there at the creation. He was among a group of
counterculturalists who had a deep respect for innovators like Steve Jobs and Steve Wozniak, who were designing and then using
their computers to push what Brand referred to as "the edges of the possible
and permissible". Like Lovins and the soft-path proponents, alternative
information technology was viewed, perhaps somewhat naively at first, as a
means of personal empowerment. Brand's own experiences with early desktop publishing and
immersion into the early world of computer gamers lent credence to this
optimism. The mandate at Apple was to "build the coolest machine you could imagine," something so
different that people would rethink the role of the machine in modern life.
The very naming of the products auggested that these machines were somehow
more natural than the computers of old. Although innovations in computing
facilitated the creation of alternative information networks like Whole
Earth and greatly enhanced the impact of dispersed citizen environmental
science, PCs became one of the most insidiously polluting technologies of the
late twentieth century.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 106)
But why was this movement born in the USA, and not anywhere else? What is
it that made it possible for at least a sizeable amount of the environmentalist
movement over here to take on a far more pragmatic approach (an eclectic,
idiosincratic approach that did not care about taking elements from
different traditions and combining them into something new? To a great
extent, of course, it was the long American tradition that promotes
experimentation and prizes the unorthodox (the same tradition that sees the
maverick
as something that should be praised). People like Stewart Brand simply
follow on the footsteps of Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau and, closer to our times, Buckminster Fuller, the creator of
the geodesic dome
and the World Game, among
manhy other things:
Giant maps did spring up on college campuses, and Fuller founded the World
Game Institutein 1972 to facilitate larger gatherings and advoate for the
World Game scenario. Unfortunately, according to J. Baldwin, the high
idealism of the game was often "smothered by a pleasant, utterly ineffective
touchie-feelie crowd that felt personal enlightenment had to be realized
before larger problems could be addressed." Of course, it is easy to
criticize the whole exercise as the product of monumental political
naïveté from someone who intentionally refused to acknowledge
politics as a viable form of communication and management. On the other
hand, it is hard to knock a project with such optimistic high morals so
passionately and genuinely pursued on behalf of the greater good. Like many
of Fuller's ideas, the World Game was a viable idea, but seemingly executed
without any serious consideration of how to deal with the political or
economic realities of the time.
Brand, too, was thinking hard about "how to be able to change the games
that Peoples play." Like Fuller, Brand wondered how game scenarios might be
used as an alternative to the political protest he so disliked. "The
strategy of game change is: you don't change a game by winning it or losing
it or refereeing it or observing it," he wrote in his preface to a large
section on Liferaft Earth in the Last Whole Earth. "You change it by
leaving it and going somewhere else and starting a new game from scratch."
Between 1968 and the mid-1970s, Brand continued to work on ideas for how to
use games to bring people together, release aggression, and facilitate a
more authentic interaction than participatory politics could provide. The
idea behind the Liferaft Earth game was to get a large group of players to
sign on for a public fast. Participants would starve themselves for a week
with the media providing a national "stadium" for a hunger Olympics. "How
many of us arrogant world-shapers knew hunger?" Brand asked his
friends. Filmmaker Robert
Frank signed on to create a documentary of the event as he had with
Alloy [an earlier gathering of environmentally-minded designers]. Brand's
friend Wavy Gravy
(Hugh Romney) organized entertainment for the volunteers while Brand
wrangled with Bay Area municipal leaders unwilling to let him stage his
event. Part of the problem was that fire marshals had issues with Brand's
proposal for a huge polyethylene inflatable pillow as the center piece of the show. They were worried
it might explode in flames, roasting the participants alive. Dick Raymond
stepped in to ease the fears of the insurance company and "all the others
who needed hourly placation." What they ended up with was a parking lot
behind the Hayward, California, office of a poverty program ru by Bill Goetz, a man Brand
had never met but who nonetheless turned out to be a generous and
understanding host.
(Andew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 109-110)
One thing that definitely differentiated these counterculture environmentalists
from the activists influenced by the New Left was their attitude towards capitalism:
In the Last Whole Earth Catalog, Brand clearly spelled out his
philosophy on money and adminished skittish readers who thought that somehow
they had removed themselves from the ugly world of capital. "You may not
think capitalism is nice, and I don't know if it's nice. But we should
both know that the whole earth catalog is made of it." "Why am I saying
this?" he continued. "Because many who applaud the catalog and
wholehearedly use it, have no applause for the uses of money, of ego, of
structure (read uptightness), of competition, of business as usual. All
the things, plus others, which make the catalog, and make the elective
applauders into partial liars, and me one too if I aid the lie." The
demise experiment was Brand's way of hindering the "lie" and forcing his
counterculture colleagues to try to come to grips with money, possibly
because he had seen the positive power of the emerging counterculture
business model he helped create and hoped, contrary to what Moore thought,
to share the power as much as assuage his guilt.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 117-118)
Hence their shameless association with people who, like Bill English, were
directly involved in the world of business and the spread of the personal
computer. If anything, they saw PCs as a tool. And a tool that had the
potential to change the whole world, as a matter of fact. Sure, a whole group
of newly formed companies (as well as quite a few old ones, to be fair) might
be able to make a lot of money out of this up and comming revolution. But
they did not care if it was also to bring about a higher degree of
decentralization and personal freedom anyways.
Of the original board members, Bill English was the most articulate
proponent of funding aimed at technologies that at the time would have
seemed like pure science fiction to all but a handful of computer
researchers and fellow travelers like Brand. English was a pioneering
computer engineer with Xerox
and working at the cutting edge of computing and communications technology
in Palo Alto. His
1971 essay for Point, "A Cottage Industry", reads like the best sci-fi, except
it is all based on actual research into how computers would shape the
coming decades. English shared with fellow board members his belief that
America was on the verge of an "information explosion" that would usher in
"drastic changes" in American culture and life. These drastic changes would
center, English argued, on communications technologies that would replace "the usual
paper-oriented communications" and enable a "remote working" environment that would transform American
corporate and work culture. English proposed several ways that Point
funds could further this information revolution. Specifically, he wanted
Point to fund individuals and small companies willing to experiment in using
evolving computer networks to facilitate remote working or, as it would later
be known, telecommuting. "The tools are here today," he wrote, and the
"costs are not too high... and no doubt it would lead to good publicity."
English's remarkably prescient discussion of the future of information
technology accomplished, better than any could know at the time, Brand's
request that the board members be "clairvoyant".
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 128-129)
It was this openminded attitude towards business and capitalism that allowed
for the New
Alchemy Institute and its influence on pragmatic environmentalism:
The New Alchemy Institute was one of the most celebrated efforts in AT and
ecological design of the 1970s. In 1969, biologis John Todd and his wife Nancy Jack
Todd founded the New Alchemy Institute to explore the question "Was it, in
fact, possible to support Earth's population over time while protecting the
natural world?" John Todd was frustrated with the "doomwatch biology"
prevalent in university biology departments after the passage of the
Wilderness Act
of 1964. After much soul-searching he decided to break out and, with his
partner, form his own institute where ecological design pioneers could
explore positive and proactive responses to environmental problems. The
Todds shared with other ecological design proponents "an extreme sense of
urgency that the system that we have created has the potential to undo
everything that we would like to see happen". The name New Alchemy came
out of thin air but perfectly captured not only what the Todds began working
toward at their Cape Cod institute but also the core idea behind the
alternative technology movement as a whole and the environmental program of
Point in particular. John Todd could have been speaking for Point when he told
a New York Times reporter, "I got tired of ringing the alarm bell all
the time. I want constructive alternatives." Whole Earth's J.
Baldwin worked extensively with the Todds on Cape Cod, as their soft-technology expert and
later as part of the construction team for their ark on Prince Edward Island, Canada. At New
Alchemy, the Todds recalled that Baldwin was an influential voice of
pragmatism who grounded their sometimes utopian dreams of social justice: "He
used to reind people at the Institute that, at the end of every wrench, not
to mention far more imposing forms of technology, were the steel mills of
Gary, Indiana:
implying that social and technological issues were as old as our use of tools
and are probably forever fatefully entwined." Baldwin's association with
New Alchemy made the group a logical funding target for the Point Foundation.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 144)
Together with the New Alchemy Institute, the Point Foundation was actually
far more closely linked to Brand's group:
The story of the Point Foundation demonstrates that even a steadfast
proponent of individual agency and self-education like Brand was willing to
intervene directly when he thought the cause and time were right. Point
was designed to provide a loosely structured facilitation of a more direct
advocacy than the catalog allowed, while avoiding the politics inherent in
the foundation world. Point was one of the most significant efforts to fund
and provide a more solid foundation for the grassroots AT movement along with
a broader set of social and cultural concerns. Point's record, however,
was somewaht dishearateninig. It did not succeed in changing the world or
the American foundation system, but was significant nonetheless because
of the philosophy of commerce and ecological design that the foundation board
collectively formulated. Point provided seed money and major grants
for a host of alternative environmental programs, and the board's philosophy
of finance and simple living captured by the Briarpatch Network was internationally emulated in the coming decades.
Brand's intense three years establishing Point helped refine his
environmental philosophy and shaped his new ventures in the publishing world.
The in-depth debates that characterized the Point meetings inspired much of
the content of the CoEvolution Quarterly, and Point members and agents formed a new
core group of Whole Earth collaborators. The Point Foundation lived
on into the early 2000s as the holding company for the various Whole
Earth publishing ventures but never again participated in philantropy
the way it had during those first years. Point may have failed to
revolutionize American foundations or contribute to environmentalism on a par
with the Sierra Club
or other much larger advocacy groups, but the AT and ecological design
movements were just gaining momemtum during Point's early years, and the work
of this most unusual foundation provided an example for the types of support
systems and advocacy networks that AT required to ease alternative businesses
into the general marketplace. The next step was to build on the ideas of
"right livelihood" and green commerce fostered by Point and the Briarpastch
Network. Brand's next publishing venture, the CoEvolution
Quarterly, codified the ideals of the Point Foundation and provided a
captivating model for ecological living, hybrid politics, and green
consumption.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 154-155)
This "environmentalism centered on tools" also found expression in the
book Ecotopia, by
Ernest Callenbach:
Callenbach's novel reveals much about the environmentalism of the early
1970s and the hoped-for potential of new green technologies. Although
environmental utopia was the focus, there was much more at work in this
fantastic tale than a fictionalization of environmentalist hopes. As with
other American utopians, Callenbach spent a great deal of his book talking
about markets, consumption, and the politics that he felt best facilitated
each. He worked hard in his story to explain the connections between
politics, environmentalism, consumption, and authenticity. Callenbach's
western utopia was not about a return to wilderness as muhc as a vision for
a future based on an urban/exurban landscape powered by ATs and earth-friendly
economies and governments. The Ecotopian vision was aimed at city
dwellers seeking a new type of enlightened consumerism that accommodated
their environmental concerns, individual creativity, and social politics.
The novel is an excellent example of the meeting of Left social values
and Right distrust of big government that has played such a central role
in the politics of the American West. Ecotopia melded the
counterculture lifestyle and social values with a strange brew of libertarian thinking, collectivism,
states rights, and technologically enthusiastic environmentalism in the
same counterculture sci-fi tradition as Robert Heinlein's The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress (1966). Heinlein paints a
futuristic western set on a lunar colony populated by innovative misfits
ready to break from the tyranny of distant centralized authority and realize
the potential of thoughtful anarchy. Their battle cry of TANSTAAFL! (There
Ain't No Such Thing As A Free Lunch) captured the imagination of a generation
of counterculture entrepeneurs who valued hard work and innovation and
individuals who empowered themselves through actions rather than words.
Heinlein's lunar libertarians shunned traditional politics, celebrated
human ingenuity in the face of environmental challenges, and favored
programs of action based on individual agency over the tyranny of the crowd
—all familiar western and counterculture tropes.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture green, pp. 156-157)
Interestingly enough, all this connected (and, to a certain degree, spawned)
a new type of rugged conservatism that was quite characteristic of
the West and became identified with an increasingly popular politician at
the time, Ronald
Reagan:
The Republican
Party did an excellent job of recognizing changing demographics and
cultural trends in the 1950s and 1960s and capitalized on the growing power
of the West. Just as important, conservatives recognized the power of
western myths and symbols in political marketing. As historian Robert
Goldberg has demonstrated, Ronald Reagan's presidential career epitomized the conservative use of
the rugged individualistic iconography of the West as a political marketing
tool. Reagan often staged press events where he dressed as a cowboy and demonstrated his riding skills. In
so doing, he was participating in a long-standing American political
tradition dating back to log-cabin campaigns of the 1800s. Traditional
conservatives, however, were not the only politicians in the post-World War
II era to use western iconography for political marketing. Democrat
Lyndon Baines
Johnson was Reagan's equal at what historian Anne Butler has called
"putting on the hat", the long-standing tradition of donning western wear
to send a political message. The AT and green consumption that grew out
of the counterculture in the West provided a powerful political legacy and
new twist to the traditional conservative use of western mythology in
marketing and politics. Central to this twist was the blending of green
consumption into the intellectual tradition of a western libertarian
sensibility. Consumption is political and so are the business philosophies
and practices that drive and facilitate it. Most significantly, for
this study, the connection between politics and consumption is not always
driven by what we think of as traditional conservative or liberal
politics. Starting in the 1960s, a generation of significant western
entrepeneurs created a new economy and with it a new influential version of
the regional libertarian sensibility that shaped both the Left and the Right.
CQ became a leading voice for this distinctly western hybrid
politics. Although it would never enjoy the popularity of Whole Earth,
CQ presented readers with a much more thoughtful, politically
engaged, and refined vision for sustainable ecological living than the
Whole Earth format could achieve.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 160-161)
By the early 1970s, at least in Brand's mind, anthropologist and linguist
Gregory Bateson
replaces Buckminster Fuller as a source of inspiration:
Brand's Harper's article, "Both Sides of the Necessary Paradox",
about British anthropologist and cyberneticist Gregory Bateson, was more suggestive of Brand's
evolving environmental philosophy. Brand first met Bateson in 1960 at a
Veteran's Administration hospital in Palo Alto, California. They did not encounter each other again
until 1972, when Brand discovered Bateson's book Steps toward an Ecology of Mind
and consequently found a captivating new muse at a critical moment in his
personal life. Like most of the intellectuals who informed Brand and his
publications, Bateson was an iconoclastic deep thinker who defied easy
classification. Brand sometimes found Bateson a hard sell. "A good
many people I know consider Bateson maddeningly obscure," he wrote in an
introduction to an issue of CQ with Bateson on the cover. An
anthropologist by trade, the imposing 6-foot-5-inch Bateson was best known
for his relationship with Margaret Mead and for "conceiving the Double Bind theory of schizophrenia".
Brand found Bateson during a very tough period of soul-searching chronicled
with remarkable honesty in the Epilog. He hailed Bateson's books as
"strong medicine" for those like himself who were trying to link
"intellectual clarity and moral clarity" and "evoke a shareable self-enhancing
ethic of what is sacred, what is right for life." Bateson's particular take
on cybernetics and
whole systems that provided a method for linking "mysticism, mood, ignorance,
and paradox" struck Brand with such force that he decided to seek the man
out. The resulting conversations formed the basis for the
Harper's article. More importantly, several meetings in 1972 launched
a transgenerational friendship that profoundly influences all of Brand's
work for the coming decade: "It was talking with Gregory Bateson... that
gave me a thread to string my beads on." Bateson, with his deeply
philosophical view of life and science, replaced Buckminster Fuller as the
inspiration for Brand's publishing ventures, and he featured Bateson's work
prominently in both the Whole Earth and CQ.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 164)
Very much in line with this sort of New Age approach, Brand offers also a far more optimistic look on "the
problem" facing humanity:
Optimism was one of the things that made Whole Earth such a
success. In CQ, Brand continued to present potential solutions to
"The Problem" and introduce readers to thinkers who were optimistic about
the ability of people to solve the issues plaguing the world in the 1970s.
By the mid-1970s, Brand was thinking hard about the legacy of the sixties
and the failure of revolutionary and utopian thinking. "People who organize
their behavior around the apopcalypse," he argued, "are going to have a
tough time knowing who they are when the apocalypse fails to show." Brand
felt more than ever that in the post-cultural revolutionary seventies people
needed to develop good tools and ideas to create realistic programs of change
toward a future of ecological sustainability. "It's the good stuff you need
when your idea fails," he advised, and CQ would be his new venue for
bringing the good stuff to the public.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 167)
As a part of this new phase that emphasizes a more holistic approach, the
Whole Earth Catalogue will also become a big proponent of the Gaia hypothesis:
The 1975 publication of Lynn Margulis and James Lovelock's Gaia
hypothesis was one of the notable accomplishments of CQ. The Gaia
hypothesis (Gaia is the Greek name for the "Earth") proposed that the
Earth was a living organism or, as Lovelock explained it, the "biosphere is a self-regulating entity
with the capacity to keep our planet healthy by controlling the chemical and
physical environment." Margulis, a distinguished microbiologist, and
Lovelock, a prolific British independent researcher, epitmozed the
thoughtful environmental heretics that appealed to Brand. Margulis is best
known for her theories of cell sumbiosis —the idea that organisms
cooperate and coevolve— and for her work with Lovelock on the Gaia
theory. She became an important contributor to CQ and advisor to
Brand on the latest insights emerging from biological research. The more
iconoclastic Lovelock epitomized the melding of biological insights and
research with toolcentric pragmatic design science. In addition to his
Gaia collaboration with Margulis, Lovelock was a designer of precision
instruments, most notably a series of electron-capture detectors he developed
in the 1950s that greatley enhanced the ability to record the distribution
of chemicals in the atmosphere. This detection enabled researchers like
Rachel Carson to
understand the effects of pesticides on ecosystems. Brand appreciated the way these two "vaulted
disciplinary barriers and dogmas," and CQ presented their work at a
time when their ideas were greeted with skepticism at best by the academic
community. The Gaia thesis sparked a protracted and engaging debate on the
pages of CQ that filtered out into college classrooms and the media.
Although the Gaia theory remainced controversial through the last quarter of
the twentieth century, environmentally minded CQ readers accepted it
with much less controversy than greeted another significant contributor to
the magazine.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 169)
And finally, combining both their original pragmatism with the newly found
holistic optimism, Brand breaks ranks with a good part of his fellow
environmentalists by publicly defending the idea of space colonies as a solution to our problems:
The publication of Gerard O'Neill's proposals for space colonies in several issues of CQ and then as a special
CQ book, Space Colonies (1977), surpassed Gaia in generating
fruitful debate and controversy and offered Brand the best opportunity to
push the boundaries of environmentalism he had been exploring since college.
Nothing better illustrates Brand's willigness to explore emerging areas of
technological research at the cost of infuriating loyal environmentally
oriented friends and readers than his promotion of space colonization. Space
colonies were the ultimate environmental heresy of their day, but thei fit
perfectly with Brand's expanding conception of environmentalism and his
particularly western viewpoint. Like Lynn Margulis, O'Neill was a
traditionally trained scientist with excellent credentials: He was a physics
professor at Princeton University and a researcher at the Stanford Linear Accelerator Center,
who, nonetheless, found himself at odds with the scientific establishment
after he became the leading proponent of space colonies. O'Neill envisoned
massive, slowly rotating, self-supporting structures anchored in space as the
future home of millions of people and launching pads for the exploration of
the final frontier. Brand introduced him to CQ readers as a
"high-energy physicist best known in his field for originating the
colliding-beam storage ring, which has been used in nuclear accelerators
throughout the world." Brand also pointed out O'Neill's military record
and accomplishments as a pilot, which were backgrounds and interests they
shared.
(Andrew G. Kirk:Countercultre Green, p. 170)
As it could not have been otherwise, the successor to the Whole Earth
Catalogue, the CQ, would also become involved in politics, a big
no-no to many in the environmentalist movement who trace back their
philosophical origins to the Anarchist tradition:
A review of the full run of CQ reveals a remarkable list of first
publications of insights and theories that went on to enjoy extensive
coverage in the mainstream media. In their aptly titled book News
That Stayed News, editors Art Kleiner and Brand demonstrated the extent
to which the publication had served as a springboard for discussions that
remained relevant in the 1990s, when their collection was published, and
continued to command headlines in 2007. A key difference between
Whole Earth and CQ was the way the two publications dealt with
politics. In whole Earth, Brand followed Buckminster Fuller's advice
to avoid politics, and overt politics were not featured. In CQ,
politics were fair game and often front and center. Clearly, CQ
had a very different position than the catalogs on integrating direct
political discourse into the magazine. It seems unlikely, however, that
reader of the catalog, who tended to be an eceptionally thoughtful group,
never noticed the politics that were embedded in the publication from the
beginning. CQ only brought the politics to the center in a way that
demanded attention and raised very interesting questions about the ways that
the counterculture built on and reconfigured the landscape of western
American politics. Brand was engaged in political life during this
period in a way he never had been before, and CQ became a thoughtful
voice for an emerging hybrid politics that came from the western
counterculture and drew inspiration from the pragmatic environmentalism
promoted by Whole Earth.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 181)
John Perry Barlow is a good example of this so-called third-way
politics:
No one better captures this world of hybrid politics and fusion of
technophilia, environmentalism, and western regionalism than former Wyoming cattle rancher, Grateful Dead lyricist, and Whole
Earth contributor John Perry Barlow. Except by Deadheads, Barlow is best known for his work as a pioneer for
electronic freedom and his association with the Electronic Frontier Foundation. He
famously referred to cyberspace as the "Electronic Frontier" and was only one of many who framed the
new world of Web-based economy and culture in terms of western history and
the frontier mythology. Barlow penned the classic libertarian statement on
cyberspace —"A Declaration of the Independence of Cyberspace" (1996)— which was widely circulated on the Web and became a manifesto for free
information and free markets. A classically western libertarian, Barlow
nonetheless passionately avoided traditional politics, arguing that "to engage
in the political process was to sully oneself to such a degree that whatever
came out wasn't worth the trouble put in."
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 183)
Obviously, all these changes that brought the Whole Earth closer and
closer to the mainstream world were seen by many others as a complete
sellout:
The counterculture appears political in western history usually only when
cast as a foil for conservatives like Ronald Reagan, Barry Goldwater, and Richard Nixon. The stoned hippies of Haight-Ashbury seemed to have almost as little in common with serious New Left activists as they did with
Richard Nixon and his crew-cut cabinet. These characterizations gloss
over the intense, if stealthy, politics associated with adherents of the
counterculture. A more cutting critique of the counterculture comes from
those who assume that their sensibility was nothing more than a sad sellout
to savvy marketers who quickly co-opted the counterculture lifestyle and
philosophy and turned it into a tool to get their hooks into the expanding
youth market. In this telling, the counterculture is a frivolous false
consciousness on the part of spoiled middle-class white kids and a
distraction from real political contribution that helped cement the failure
of the New Left and ultimately led to the rise of a powerful new western
conservatism that enabled the careers of Nixon, Goldwater, Reagan, and the
Bush dynasty. Dismissing the counterculture as the apolitical sellouts
of the 1960s and 1970s misses the rich contributions this cultural mode made
to politics and culture and leaves no room for protagonists like Brand and
Barlow.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 186)
This criticism is obviously strengthened by the appearance of a new figure,
the "counterculture entrepeneur":
Particularly in the West, the argument can be made that the counterculture
entrepeneurs who skipped the protest movement and the polls were the ones who
made the most lasting contribution to the politics of the last decades of
the century. Their libertarian hybrid sensibility was not a fringe
movement and this pragmatic philosophy, as historian Patricia Nelson Limerick
reminds us, captured the spirit of western myth and updated it for a new
generation who searched for individualism and community reinvention through
the electronic frontier of cyberspace, the promising world of alternative
technology, the freedom of small business, and the individualistic everyday
environmentalism enabled by thoughtful green consumption.
In his role as adviser to California Governor Jerry
Brown, Brand was able to provide political access for many of the
influential environmental thinkers —those acting from within the
counterculture or those who were exerting influence on the movement from
outside it— whose work was published in Whole Earth and
CQ. Brand arranged meetings between Brown and creative intellectuals
like Herman Kahn and
technologically enthusiastic environmentalists like Amory Lovins, as well as Gregory Bateson, Thomas Szasz, Marshall McLuhan, and Ken Kesey. Brand sent a strady stream of iconoclastic
intellectuals to Brown's office, and Brown shaped California environmental
and social policy partly according to their recommendations. By the late
1970s, Brand's political cache enabled him to move from the fringes of
western politics to the center of influence, or off-center, given the
politics and policies of Brown's tenure. Brand was valuable as a political
adviser because he was not a traditional politician or supporter of the
traditional political process; he remembered, "I was able to work directly
with Jerry Brown because I was out getting experience and not marching."
He added that there were "lots of examples of counterculture businesspeople
who became very successful and have influence in many different ways."
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 187)
Like it or not, all this is nothing but evidence of a strong undercurrent of
the environmentalist movement that had already been there since the early
1970s, at least in the US: a libertarian-leaning brand of environmentalism.
Much of what has been written about counterculture libertarian thought focuses on the role of
libertarian politics in the business and culture of the Internet; thus the term cyberlibertarians.
Counterculture libertarian thinking, however, was also evident in the
contentious world of environmental politics. There was a grassroots
libertarian strain of environmentalism that differed dramatically from the
guardian model of government-legislated reform that so changed the landscape
of the American West. Counterculture libertarian environmentalists like
John Barlow
focused their energies on grassroots and individual action and technologically
sophisticated entrepeneurship to move environmentalism out of the wilderness and into the market
and the home. Like Brand, these environmentalists were more likely to
find inspiration from Frank Herbert's Dune or Robert Heinlein's The Moon Is a Harsh Mistress than from John Muir or Aldo Leopold. As a rancher in Wymoing, Barlow could certainly identify
with Heinlein's western themes of dependence and distant control so
compellingly presented in his counterculture version of lunar colonies at
the mercy of a distant government that undermined the rights of the
inividual and the property owner.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 189)
All this is married to a quintaessential American phenomenon that would not
take a foothold in other nations until a few years later: the hobby (and
business) of outdoor recreation.
The history of American outdoor recreation in the twentieth century is, to a
certain degree, a historyy of leisure-tool enthusiasm. Outdoor sports have
always wielded influence inversely proportionate to their purity; in other
words, sports with lots of tools tended to gain power because of the wider
appeal and the marketing clout of outfitters. The tools of recreation linked
constituents to the market and gave certain groups greater access to political
power than the purists enjoyed. The mainstream environmental movement
has been so influential that we tend to assume that most Americans must have
envisioned a disconnect between nature and technology; however, in reality,
the natural and technical worlds were very much entwined in American thinking,
and Whole Earth, despite its seemingly eclectic mix, appealed to that
latent connectedness —it struck a chord precisely because the
incongruity championed by the wilderness crowd was not actually the
mainstream of American thought. Because we assume that only
environmentalists (and especially wilderness advocates) spend a great deal of
time thinking about nature, we tend to make assumptions about the role
wilderness proponents played in shaping American thinking about the
relationship between nature (as sublime and natural) and technology (as
intrusive and artificial); but, actually, most Americans probably think
about nature a good deal and especially about ways to avoid being killed by
it, enjoy it, adjust to it, and master it, and Whole Earth was a
needle entering a rich vein of ubiquitous everyday nature thinking.
American tourists and outdoor recreationists, in particular, have long
embraced the very ambiguities and contadcitions between technology, nature,
and consumption that the history of Whole Earth reveals. And yet, in
1968, the same year that Whole Earth was founded to foster connections
between technology, culture, and nature, the American environmental movement
was beginning to distance itself from the recreationists and alternative
technologists who constituted a key constituency of the movement thoughout
the twentieth century. The beginnings of the break with recreation
coincided with the culmination of the most dramatic expansion of recreatinal
tourism in American history and the rise of the outdoor sports technology
industry.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 191)
A clear example of this approach to outdoors from an environmentalist point
of view are the Camp 4 entrepeneurs:
Chouinard in
particular, along with several business-savvy partners, including climbing
pioneer Tom Frost,
linked extreme sports, environmental advocacy, and consumption in a manner similar to Whole
Earth but aimed at a very different audience. Together, they founded
the wildly successful outdoor apparel company Patagonia, and changed the dress code for
the new West. Slightly older than Stewart Brand, Chouinard spent a good part of the fifties and
sixties living a bohemian dropout life in Yosemite National Park's legendary climbers hangout, Camp 4. During this period, Camp 4
was full of young men and a few women who had given up on materialism and
headed to the mountains in search of "authentic experiences". What separated
this generation of wilderness truth seekers was their decidedly entrepeneurial
genius.
It was while he was living in Camp 4 during the 1950s and into the early
1960s that Chouinard got his start in business. The dusty picnic tables of
Camp 4 produced no less than three founders of internationally successful
corporations during the fifteen-year period between 1958 and 1973 alone.
These legendary pioneers of rock climbing, who were the first to scale the seemingly impossibly
vertical granite of Yosemite's El Capitan, are signficant for their contributions to the worldwide
evolution of rock climbing as a sport, as well as for their technical
innovations and contributions to a major economic revolution in outdoor
equipment and apparel. Chouinard, Frost, and Royal Robbins all founded companies that went on to
great success and helped create the multi-billion dollar outdoor sports
industry. Rock climbers like Royal Robbins and Chouinard are examples of
bohemian extreme-sports enthusiasts who turned their passion into successful
businesses and set the model for the conterculture entrepeneurs who followed.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 199)
These entrepeneurs made themselves a name by defending clean rock climbing:
Patagonia,
which started as the Great Pacific Iron Works with $600 Chouinard borrowed
from his mother, was the quintessential garage business running, even after
great success, out of Brand's beloved "low road" buildings. Dissatisfied
with the quality of European pitons (metal spikes that climbers use), Chouinard started making his own
high-quality "chrommoly" units in his garage for his own use. Word spread
and soon the demand grew and a business was born. Chouinard expanded his
operation to include clothing and formed two companies: Chouinard Equipment
and Patagonia. Both of these companies were successful almost from the start,
in part because Chouinard found a real need and filled it, but more
importantly because he built his business around a powerful set of political
and social concerns. Early on, it was "clean climbing", the idea that rock
climbing and other outdoor activities had to take care of the resources they
used and do as little damage to the rock as possible. Clean climbing
was a revolution that reshaped the sport worldwide and opened the door for
the mass marketing of what had been up to that time a fringe sport for
eccentrics and dropouts.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, pp. 200-201)
All this business success, married with an overly pragmatic approach to
things, gained them plenty of political influence:
By the 1990s, Camp 4 alumni
Frost, Chouinard, and Robbins wielded considerable political power and used
their influence to help preserve the park they had grown to love as
disheveled climbing bums. Like many of their generation, they had used
their disengagement from politics very productively and found themselves
moving to positions of political power from the most unlikely of trajectories.
Like Brand, it was their lack of participation in traditional politics and
their disengagement from the traditional political process during key periods
in their lives that gave them political power and influence later in their
careers.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 201)
At the same time, their old connections to the PC revolution also
granted them plenty of support among the new Silicon Valley elite, to a great extent represented by
the new and colorful Wired magazine:
The outdoor sports industry exploded in the late 1970s, and the American
West was the focal point for much of the recreation and the business. The
new western imagery of Patagonia tapped into western mainstream liberalism
in a powerful way. At the same time, these trends pointed to a continued
blurring of the lines between conservative and liberal. The Left/Right
politics of counterculture libertarians coupled with thoughtful consumerism,
innovation, and business acumen found its finest expression on the Technicolor
pages of Wired magazine. In Wired, the libertarian new western politics reached
its zenith of influence during the dot-com boom of the 1990s when flip-flop wearing Silicon Valley CEOs (chief executive
officers) crashed the gates of the corporate world, average Americans felt
empowered by purchasing business machines, and a powerful new voting block
of what conservative critic David Brooks called Bobos (bourgeois bohemians) ushered in a new era of
mass consumption. Brooks viewed the orgy of technonatural consumption of
the 1990s as further proof that the counterculture was a fraud and that its
adherents were dupes who didn't understand that consumption was consumption
whether it was BMWs or bamboo floors for your home yoga gym. But this
view missed the entrepeneurial spirit built into the fabric of the
counterculture from the beginning and overlooked that the consumption trends
of the 1980s and 1990s were not evidence of a liberal sellout as much as an
example of the extent that hybrid Left/Right counterculture politics had
always played in the countercultural sensibility.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 204)
While some might consider this the end of the road, a clear sign of a
complete sellout to the economic establishment, Kirk disagrees with the
premise:
While Whole Earth's readers learned about social, cultural, and
technological alternatives, they also got an implicit and explicit lesson
about green capitalism and green consumerism. Starting in 1968, Whole Earth and spin-off
publications made significant contributions to the reevaluation of capitalism,
consumerism, technology, and the environment. In the pages of the Whole
Earth Catalog, appropriate technology, advice on business, and
counterculture politics happily and effortlessly commingled. Had Daniel Bell studied the ideal of
capitalism espoused in the catalogs or, more importantly, embodied by the
project of making and selling the catalogs, he might have found a rough model
for resolving the cultural contradictions of capitalism. In the
Left/Right world of counterculture libertarianism, there were no contradictions
of capitalism; it was all a part of the same sensibility.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 206)
In the end, their very pragmatic alliance with the new conservatism
represented by Reagan appeared to end in a big disappointment with the
Bush Administration:
The influence of the counterculture libertarians peaked with the dot-com
boom of the 1990s. Their techno-utopian rhetoric and enthusiasm for the
New Economy and the
electronic frontier lost some of their luster in the stock crash and
scandals of the early 2000s. The environmental version of the
counterculture libertarian sensibility faded from view as the California
ideology of the cybereconomy rose to prominence. The election of George W. Bush and rise of the
social conservatives severed many of the tenuous ties between the hip Right
and the Republican Party. John Perry Barlow had worked on Dich Cheney's Wyoming campaign when Cheney
ran as a small government, pragmatic environmentalist (yes, he really did
consider himself an environmentalists) and free-market fiscal conservative.
Barlow especially appreciated Cheney's environmental views and policies and
considered him an ally in his Wyoming environmental activism. Their alliance
was troubled at times, most famously leading to the lyrics for the Grateful Dead song "Throwing
Stones" (first performed in 1982). By the early 2000s, Barlow could not stomach the Bush
administration's "very authoritarian, assertive form of government...in the
guise of libertarianism." For counterculture libertarians like Barlow, the
Bush administration was a dangerous failure on two counts. First and
foremost, the administration demonstrated "an unwilligness to engage in any
kind of mitigation of the free market," and, second, they were intensely
adversarial to the liberal social values that characterized the "hippie-mystic
strain" of libertarianism that had contributed to the Left/Right fusion of
cyberlibertarians and the environmental pragmatists. It is a fascinating
moment in American history when hippies are saddened by the lack of core
conservative values evidenced by fundamentalist Republicans.
But does that mean that their solution failed?
In fact, the counterculture's model of politically realistic,
consumer-friendly environmentalism might provide the best hope for a future
meeting of political minds in the West. Conservation and preservation
evolved into environmentalism because of a collective realization that
protecting the environment was a personal choice that influenced quality
of life. Millions of Americans love the outdoors and go there as often
as they can. A decent percentage of these outdoor enthusiasts support
environmental protection and give money to groups that lobby on behalf of
the environment and work toward Progressive legislation. Many average
outdoor fans may even vote for candidates who have some sense of an
environmental ethic, but are those actions more or less important than when
they walk out of their way to recycle a can or reada the label of their new
jacket to find out what it was made of, or give a few seconds of thought to
how their consumption fits into the chain of ecology that we are a part of
despite of how divorced we are from the production side of the capitalist
equation?
Conservatives have done a good job of recognizing that personal choices
and preferences for quality of life and values can, and often do, supersede
American interests in policy plans and decisions. The counterculture
libertarians recognized this also and helped shape a model of indirect
political response based on individual agency. Reconciliation and
meeting on middle grounds is always a laudable goal: Could this hybrid
philosophy of politics be a model? Or is it just another utopian dream that
played out on the well-used western stage? Poet William Carlos Williams famously said
that "the pure products of America go crazy." Western environmental
politics generally proves this true, which makes it likely that the future
of western politics will be some hybrid of Left and Right. Understanding the
pragmatic mode of environmental thinking that emerged from our very recent
past offers a hope, if only a hope, for a practical new human —and
community-centered environmental culture for the twenty-first century—
an environmentalism reconciled with the market economy and distanced from
the contentious political debates that characterized the movement in the
past century.
(Andrew G. Kirk: Counterculture Green, p. 209)
Overall, there is something to say for the type of optimistic, pragmatic,
tools-centered environmentalism that congregated around the Whole Earth
Catalogue. Without a clear realization of new technologies and new
lifestyles, all a new social movement does is limit itself to protesting
the moves by Government and big industry and strike a pose. In this
sense, both the American tradition of pragmatism and eclecticism have plenty
to provide to the environmentalist movement in the rest of the world. And
yet, I disagree with Kirk's overly tolerant position towards what
ultimately represented, I think, a true sellout of the counterculture to
capitalism and the mainstream. I just don't see how else any of this
could be sugar-coated. Sure, they did bring about some changes, at least on
the surface. However, the reality is that the core of our lives are still
the same. Actually, the problems are perhaps even worse now than ever. I
believe there is indeed something to the criticism that sees most of the
counterculture in the 1960s as mere pose, superficial fashion that could be
(and was) easily integrated into the mainstream. Steve Jobs could have been a very cool dude
that "gets it", but that still didn't change the fact that he was a
multimillionaire in a world with plenty of poverty and his company competed
at least in part by enforcing deplorable labor practices that, on top of
that, can hardly be considered environmentally friendly.
Entertainment Factor: 6/10
Intellectual Factor: 6/10